Say it Loud: 2022 First Book

 I'm starting my first book of 2022. It's Say it Loud by Randall Kennedy. 

Why am I reading this book?

First, I've met Randall and his children. I am impressed and intrigued by their collective story and accomplishments. I respect Kennedy's investment in reading, writing, learning, advocating, lawyering, teaching and parenting. I want to learn from him in ways that open my eyes, broaden my perspective and prompt good effort going forward. 

What do I expect?

I'm not sure what to expect. Because of this, I listened to a recent NPR interview with Kennedy. The interview made me want to read the book more.

How will I read the book?

I'll take it chapter by chapter. I'm not sure if I'll power through many chapters at once or if I'll take it one chapter at a time. I'm not sure how much background research I'll have to do as I read the book, so I'll have my computer handy to look up words, facts, stories that he may refer to in his book that I don't already understand. 

How will I reflect on the book?

I'll likely reflect after each reading period, and my reflections will likely include new knowledge, questions, reflections from my experience and outlook and possible follow-up actions. 

Chapter One Takeaway

Over time, gains with respect to ridding our country of racism have occurred, but those gains have not been as substantial or positive as possible. We still are a long way from racial equity and there's a lot of work to do. Some have taken a pessimistic view of this potential change and some have taken an optimistic view. If we are not working for greater equity and respect for all and working against racism, we are not working for a better America. The only way greater equity will occur is if we all commit to making that happen. 

Chapters Two-Four

In these chapters I was introduced to Derrick Bell, Harvard Law Professor and his many roles in life. I heard Kennedy speak of his and Bell's different perspectives and disagreements. The chapter made me think of effective advocacy vs ineffective advocacy as well as the role of "mandated optimism." I saw overlap in this chapter between the advocacy for racial equity and the advocacy to better public education since in both situations, it's an uphill battle with multiple perspectives and actions at play. As an educator, I was somewhat like Bell--my advocacy while sometimes successful was often unsuccessful leaving me frustrated. More like Kennedy, however, I never liked seeing a situation from one perspective alone, but instead I wanted to consider all aspects thus not lending allegiance due to one factor or another (note this is a gross oversimplification of the chapter's focus, but my connection, nevertheless). Ultimately this chapter made me think of the professional and personal lives we lead and the impact we have. We all have missteps and everyone's perspective is incomplete, but as the sentiment of a farmer who left his fields to join the Voter's Right March relayed, the work we do matters if it is well directed. 

The chapters about The George Floyd murder and Wilkerson's Racial Caste research and writing made me think about where we are today and what we need to do to be a stronger, better society. There were many examples of positive change in those chapters as well as discouraging statistics demonstrating that too many Americans are unwilling to look deeply at their lives and the many myths that hold individuals and society back--too many are willing to vote for what they've always known and have been taught to believe is right rather than for what truly will uplift their standard of living and the strength of the country as a whole. Too many are voting for whiteness rather than democracy. How do we make change in this regard--what can we do? For me, the first step will be to continue to read this book, reflect and think about what I might do. 

Chapter Five

Kennedy discusses antiracist advocacy at universities. He notes that "Antiracist activists targeting universities need to be more thoughtful in their condemnations and in their demands." This is an important chapter for those associated with schools, colleges and universities to read. From my perspective, the take away was that we have to do the leg work before we advocate for any change, policy or law--we can't be haphazard in our efforts because careless efforts do more harm than good. 

Chapter Five and Six

Kennedy discusses litigation as a form of political expression. He tells the story of several college and high school students who use litigation to widen the circle of freedom we enjoy as Americans and how these efforts brought elevated legal status to students and teachers throughout the country. The chapter made me wonder about how and when we use litigation to express ourselves and change our world politically. Do too many of us shy away from litigation when facing institutional oppression. For example, would teachers' situations improve if litigation were used more to lift them from unreasonable work demands, poor working environments and inadequate supports. Further, the chapter made me wonder how accessible litigation is to the everyday person. We see Donald Trump using litigation at every turn to prop up his wealth, power, pleasure, protection and privilege, but how often do everyday people use litigation to improve their status and good living? How would lawyers respond to this situation? Who is using the legal system the most in the United States, and does use of the legal system mainly tilt in the direction of those who have lots of money? I'm wondering about this. 

Chapter Seven

Kennedy discusses memorialization with specific stories related to those who have been memoralized in the naming of buildings, whose names have been removed due to their past actions and those who should be memorialized. He notes that it is important to consider all facets of a person's life and the context of the time they lived in as you consider whether to keep or remove a name. He cites a process that Yale uses to determine this as well as the fact that some choose to keep names, but make sure they share the good and bad of what a person has done. He acknowledges that even the best among us has both virtues and deficiencies. This is a good chapter for anyone to read who is choosing names or deciding whether to keep or change names of buildings and other memorializations. The issue of Fanueil Hall's name comes to mind as that has been a point of conflict in nearby Boston. Mayor Wu may want to read this chapter. 

Chapters eight and nine

These chapters introduced me to the Politics of Black Respectability and Policing Racial Solidarity--two concepts I never thought about before. He notes the politics of respectability at play in the George Floyd protests and discusses the tension between unity and freedom with regard to racial solidarity. Both chapters would be great chapters for high school students to read and discuss. Discussions could identify where the tensions lie, the positives related to greater freedom versus greater conformity. So many of us forget to look at oursevles from the perceptions of those around us, and this would be a great perspective for high school students to grapple with and discuss. 

Chapter ten

Anita Hill had the courage to stand up to Clarence Thomas, yet he prevailed becoming a Supreme Court Justice. Kennedy depicts Thomas as one who has not done much good for anyone as a Supreme Court Justice, but as a man who would likely make a good neighbor. His dissenting opinion on many Supreme Court cases have been thought to obstruct opportunities for African Americans and others and his dedication and use of scholarship questioned. As a liberal democrat, I have been disappointed with Thomas' work. There is a lot more to understand here, but for me, one takeaway is that we have to look deeply at a person's character and the work they do as we assess their contributions and work--we have to be wary of superficial reviews that don't take a hard, collective look at all aspects of character and performance. This chapter also makes me wonder about whether Supreme Court justices should be appointed for a lifetime.

Chapter eleven

Kennedy begins by discussing racial shame, pride, kinship and other problems. He cites James Brown's song, "Say it Loud," and the song's impact in the 1960's with the words, "But no entertainer equaled Brown's vocalization of African Americans' newly triumphal sense of self-acceptance. Brown's conservative politics, however, make the song's impact ironic." Kennedy states that Brown's song is not as artful as "Lift Every Voice and Sing" or "What Did I Do to Be So Black and Blue."

Chapter 11 was difficult for me to wrap my brain around sufficiently, but my take away is that while we can be proud about who we are, it is truly our accomplishments in life that should be our source of pride rather than our biological affiliations. And with regard to kinship, we cannot support people just because they share similar race, ancestry, gender or other heredity factors, but instead we should look deeper with regard to affiliation and support. Recently, watching so many politicians who share my heritage act in such inhumane ways has been disconcerting for me. I'm proud of my Irish heritage, but I am not proud of what some politicians with a similar heritage have done or are doing. I'm disgusted with them. So, while we may feel a sense of kinship and want to help people who share common features, we still have to be discerning, and with every discipline, our service to others and support should not be determined by biological factors, but instead by need--who needs our help and how will we provide that help in ways that lift all of our students, constituents, employees, clients and colleagues up. This would be a good chapter for faculties to read and discuss as they assess their own practices and affiliations in schools.

Chapter 12

What terms do we use to name our collective groups? This is often a question debated in schools--how do we name this group or that group? The best answer I received was to ask people how they want to be referred to, but when you can't do that and you talk about a group in general you have to make a decision about what is the most respectful way to name them. Kennedy brings us through a history of the collective naming related to African Americans, and in the end, he relays the fact that he "uses a wide range of terms" and gives good rationale for his decision. For me, after reading this chapter, I will

mostly use the term black or African American when I don't have the chance to discuss with people how they want to be named or when I don't have a more specific name for the group I am referring to. I hate being called White for lots of reasons. First, my skin isn't white--it's a pinkish-beigy color spotted with light brown freckles. When we truly look at people's skin shade, I like what my Indian-American neighbor would say, "We're all shades of brown from very light to very dark." Plus, I don't like a lot of the history associated with White--it's gross, oppressive and hateful. Yet, I do belong to that group and have reaped the privilege of my skin shade time and again. With students, we would discuss our collective and combined culture using the definition that culture is all the ways of life including arts, beliefs and institutions of a population that are passed down from generation to generation. Then I would bring students through an exercise that included completing personal culture flags where students identified aspects of their personal/collective culture. In many ways this was a personal and collective naming process where students identified and shared both their unique and shared attributes. Like Kennedy, I prefer to use many titles when talking about the groups I belong to, but in talking about groups I don't belong to, I prefer to do the research and use the names that carry the most respect and reflect the group the way they would like to be referred to. 

Chapter 13

Kennedy gives us a brief history of naming and discusses the social impact personal names may have on individuals. He cites studies that analyze the impact of names, cultural groups who changed their names to fit in and the choice of many to create new names for their children. He believes that it is important for parents to consider the social impact of a child's name before choosing that name, but supports parents choosing whatever name they desire for their child as long as they have considered the social prejudice associated with names. This is a good chapter for anyone to read before naming a child. It is also a great chapter for educators and others to read as one way of gaining greater respect for the large diversity of names that children bring to the classroom and elsewhere. Too often people are disrespected because of their names and that is never the right thing to do.

Chapter 14

Kennedy discusses when he believes it is appropriate to use the N-word and when it is not. He writes, "Racist use of the word "nigger" should be condemned no matter the racial identify of the speaker. Non racial use of "nigger" should be accepted no matter the racial identify of the speaker." He cites the opinions and decisions of many with reference to using the word "nigger" including those that agree with him and those that don't. As an educator, I only used the word "nigger" when it had direct reference to a historic context and mostly when the word arose in the classroom and I gave a brief history of why the word is no longer acceptable in daily discourse. When young children use the word, they rarely understand the history of the word and why it is no longer acceptable. It would be great for older students to read Kennedy's chapter, discuss the issue and research it more if interested. 

Chapter 15

"Should we admire Nat Turner" is the title of chapter 15. While I've heard the name, I can't recall why. As one who doesn't have a great memory for facts, figures, names and events, I regularly have to reference historic facts to remember. That's one reason why I'm so happy to live in the Internet era, a time when facts and figures are only a few clicks of a keyboard or swipe away. 

Nat Turner, born enslaved in 1800, initiated an uprising of sixty to eight enslaved and free blacks that lasted less than 48 hours resulting in the murder of fifty-five white men, women and children in Southhampton County, Virginia. The afterath of the massacre resulted in the murder of scores of blacks whether they were involved in the uprising or not. 

Reportings of Turner's Rebellion was created mainly by those that opposed it. Over time many have debated the rebellion and whether Turner was in the right to lead an uprising that killed those who enslaved and oppressed blacks. 

After reading this chapter, I am reminded of the essential role that context plays as we make judgements on historic events. Kennedy writes, "I agree with Garrison that Turner deserves no more critical moral scrutiny than a George Washington, a Thomas Jefferson, a James Madison, or an Andrew Jackson. But he also deserves no less." William Lloyd Garrison was a great abolitionist and pacifist. I would have to study this situation a lot more to decide if I admire Nat Turner or not given the circumstances of the time and his experience, however, I do believe that if at all possible we should make change and respond to oppression peacefully, yet when grave danger to one's life occurs, I believe that violence may be justified. 

Chapter 16

Kennedy discusses Frederick Douglas in this essay. He lauds David W. Blight's book, Frederick Douglas: Prophet of Freedom, as an exploration of Douglas' life that is "admirably sensitive, careful, learned, creative, and soulful." Kennedy concludes the chapter with these statements about Douglas:

• "That Douglas is celebrated so widely is a tribute mostly to the caliber of his work as an acivist, a journalist, a memoirist, and an orator."
• Frederick Douglas was a whirlwind of eloquence, imagination, and desperate striving as he sought to expose injustice and remedy its harms. 
• ". . .what made him so distinctive are the tensions--indeed the contradictions--that he embraced."

Chapter 17

In this chapter, Kennedy reviews the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and its implications today. Kennedy writes, "Just as antislavery activists rejected the legitimacy of federal laws that criminalized efforts to assist slaves seeking to flee bondage, so, too, are activists rejecting the legitimacy of federal laws that criminalize efforts to aid migrants in fleeing political oppression, economic misery, and social chaos." This was a difficult chapter to read since I don't have a lot of background legal knowledge related to this topic, yet this made me think about the kinds of laws we support and the impact of those laws on humanity. We must seek to be humane in all that we do as a nation. 

Chapter 18

Chapter 18 discusses Reconstruction and illustrates the incredible power and potential of the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments of The Constitution, power and potential often lost via the will of many whites to ignore those amendments. This chapter demonstrates what's possible with collective action and lawmaking and relates well to what's happening right now as many Republicans work to strip people, particularly those marginalized, from their right to vote in subversive ways. This chapter shows why it is so important that a new voter's rights bill is passed in order to make voting accessible to all Americans, not just those who are privileged and wealthy. The chapter also introduced me to the wonderful scholarly work of Eric Foner. 

While reading this chapter, I thought about all the time wasted in schools on superficial, structural matters such as silly rules, the will to dictate everything a teacher does, the lack of teacher leadership, and the lack of good time and ability to truly teach substantive content, concept and skill. Many schools don't take the work of teaching seriously, but instead focus on superficial standards, assessments, rules and traditions which bog educational systems down and limit what children can and should learn. Instead schools should simplify their structures as much as possible by streamlining rules, routines, leadership, and instead invest more time, authority and teachable environments into the teacher's hands. In too many schools, leadership teams have become burdensome, superficial and time wasting for educators who are led by countless leaders who often are more focused on checking boxes than true teaching and learning. In addition, the time-on-task-teachers who work with students every day are often tasked with too many students, not enough supports, outdated teaching/learning environments, cumbersome ineffective rules and routines, costly time-consuming ineffective assessments and oversight from administrators who often have no idea about the content or pedagogy an educator is teaching. This weighs down American schools and dumbs down what's possible. There is so much good information, concept and skill to teach and so many dedicated, intelligent educators ready and willing to do that work--our country's good development depends on this good work, and we have to support the kind of teacher leadership, apt environments and reasonable work expectations to make this happen. 

Chapter 19

In this chapter, Kennedy introduces the reader to Charles Hamilton Houston with the description that Houston was an "accomplished educator and attorney who shaped litigation into a vehicle for social protest, designing strategies not only to address a client's need but also to forward the mission of a grand cause. . ." After experiencing deadly racism in the military, Houston wrote, "I made up my mind that I would never get caught again without knowing something about my rights; that if luck was with me, and I got through this war, I would study law and use my time fighting for men who could not strike back." Houston played a big role in making Howard University's Law School what it is today. On Howard's website, it states that "it is dedicated to producing jurists who are social engineers--lawyers who are willing and able to design and implement solutions that better the condition of the maltreated and needy." 

This chapter tells the story of one man's amazing vision, advocacy, hard work, leadership and impact. To me, this chapter supports the work we have to do to lead children in our country to do the good work of serving humanity, working for justice and investing in bettering who we are and whom we can become individually and collectively. Too often we focus on wealth rather than justice and good living when we encourage and praise people in our society, and I believe we have to look to the kind of examples Houston provides us when it comes to who and what we encourage, support and forward. 

Chapter 20

Chapter 20 focuses on Thurgood Marshall. Just a couple years ago, my husband and I visited the Richmond, Virginia art museum's exhibit and talk about Thurgood Marshall. It was a moving educational experience that made me excited to read this chapter. 

There is a lot to know and study with respect to Marshall's good work. I admit I skimmed through the chapter and will likely return at another time when I am focused solely on Marshall's tremendous impact and good work. 

Chapter 21 

In chapter 21, Kennedy describes many autrocious acts of racial violence, bigotry and injustice. To read these accounts is disturbing at best, and there's a temptation to think, "Oh well, that was in the past and we're better now," but that's not true since acts of injustice, racial violence and hate continue. Just last week three white men were convicted of running down and killing a black man. Ahmaud Arbery, in their neighborhood in a case of racial targeting and murder. George Floyd was held down by a white police officer while he begged

to be able to breathe only to lose his life because the police officer cut off his ability to breathe. Again and again, we hear about incidents of racial violence, murder and injustice, and we have elected lawmakers who tout their racism unabashedly while working to unjustly restrict voting rights, underfund public schools and relegate marginalized groups to lack of supports and unsafe environments and living situations. 

The chapter also introduces us to Judge Waring who "was a privileged outcast who magnificently betrayed his clan," a southern family in Charleston who held tight to their racist views at the time. Waring, apparantly influenced by his twice divorced, northern second wife notably and outwardly condemns racism with words and actions. 

Chapter 22

Chapter 23 introduces us to Judge J. Skelly Wright. Kennedy reminds us that in 1950, the Louisiana Constitution dictated "'separate public schools shall be maintained for the education of white and colored children.' Statutes criminalized interracial marriage, prohibited interracial adoptions, decree that ticket offices could not be less than 25 feet apart at circuses admitting whites and blacks; prohibited renting of dwellings to 'negro person or negro family when a building is already in whole or in part in occupancy by a white person or white family'; and insisted upon equal but separate accommodations aboard intrastate buses and trains." Kennedy describes how Judge Wright worked to improve conditions of equity in the south and explains "Judge Wright occupies a place among the pantheon of judges who helped to advance the frontiers of racial justice in the 1950's." 

Again and again, throughout the book, Kennedy acknowledges the struggles and accomplishments of many who have worked for civil rights in our country. He also points to the way history, historians and other scholars judge the work of these individuals and praises the lifelong learning that many embraced as their careers moved ahead. Of Judge Wright, Kennedy writes, ". . .Judge Wright invested himself so personally in puzzling over the requirements of racial justice. Although he was already an imposting, infuential figure, he allowed himself to be corrected and instructed. Through this process of ongoing education he grew, infusing later phases of his career with lessons hard won in the ferocious battles he fought in Louisiana."

Throughout the book, Kennedy weaves his experiences with many notable, honorable Americans. His experiences remind me of the importance of seeking opportunities to work with experts and outstanding organizations in your chosen field. As one who stayed in the same school district for my entire career, I think it would have served me well to move in and out of a number of educational environments to learn more. The way schools work, in many ways, works against that kind of movement which I don't think is positive for education or educators overall. 

Chapter 23

The title of this chapter is "On Cussing Out White Liberals: The Case of Philip Elman." As a white liberal, I'm curious about this chapter, and yes, I've been cussed out before with regard to issues of race. 

Kennedy critiques Elman's efforts with respect to Brown v Board of Education including both positive and critical points. Kennedy finds fault with the way Elman put himself in the center of Brown vs. Board of Education in ways that discredits the significant efforts key black lawyers involved in the case. He suggests that racial bias may have been at play, and writes, "In a society still saturated with racial practices, ideas, and intuitions, it is foolhardy for any person--white and black and no matter what their personal background--to proclaim himself completely immune from racial bias." Yet, he acknowledges the good Elman did with the statement, "Elman actively fought Jim Crow segregation during a period when many Americans avoided the race question, or supported a racist status quo. For those efforts he deserves praise and thanks. At the end of the this chapter, I am reminded that we have to tread gently with our advocacy work ensuring that we don't let our own ambition or vision blind us from the needs, smarts, perspectives and hard work of those we work for and with. 

Chapter 24

Kennedy remembers childhood travels to the south where segregation existed in the 1960's. He explains how states circumvented federal laws to make that happen, and the racism that fueled such efforts. When you read this account and think of the outward racism that exists today, it's not hard to imagine since many outward and violent racists today likely were children in places where this racial profiling and inequity was embraced, rationalized and promoted. This reminds me of a dinner conversation I had not too long ago. A person at the table grew up with family in the south, and I mentioned that it must have been difficult to experience the segregation that existed. The individual became very uncomfortable and seemed somewhat angry. I changed the subject since it was clear she did not want to talk about it. Where I lived while there was certainly racial attitudes and prejudice, there was not any obvious segregation in business establishments or public spaces though neighborhoods tended to be delineated by religion, culture and race. 

Kennedy reminds of the power of photography when he speaks of the photos sent around the world of Birmingham's commisioner, Eugene "Bull" Conner "public safety" actions including jailing hundreds, calling in canine units, and shooting proesters with high powered hoses. This June 11, 1963 incident moved President Kennedy to address racial mistreatment. Almost a year later and after the assassination of President Kennedy, the civil rights bill was signed into law on July 2, 1964. In today's world, as we saw with the George Flyod murder, taking photos when injustice strikes is a powerful first step in ending that injustice. Have your camera ready.

Chapter 25

This chapter introduced me to the term, hagiography which is a biography that idealizes its subject. Kennedy reviews the life and contributions of Malcolm X,  Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael), Huey Newton and Bobby Seale. and concludes that some who tell the story of Malcolm X relay "a sense of stature in memory that he lacked in history." He goes on to give a brief overview of the men's work acknowledging the struggles, accomplishments and youth, but cautions that when writing about and reviewing history, "Neither the art of scholarship nor the struggle for social justice is advanced when intellectuals are anything less than punctilious in confronting inconvenient realities."

To me, the chapter introduced me to four men who wanted to make end racial injustice, and to the need for our culture to support rigorous scholarship so that we can accurately review and analyze the lives and impact of Americans who influence who we are, what we do and how we live. Without that scholarship and study, we will not be able to develop in the positive ways possible. 

Chapter 26

In this chapter states, "The natural born citizenship requirement out to be abolished," and then goes on to substantiate that argument. I had not thought a lot about this before, but I have seen the disappointment on young elementary school immigrant students who learn that they have to be a natural born citizen to become President. Kennedy provides a good argument for this Constitutional change, but right now, it seems that we have far more pressing issues to prioritize, yet if any citizen of the United States, born here or not, had the chance to become President perhaps we would see more respect for the immigrants that move and settle here over time. Also, I've found that whenever an experienced, humane scholar like Kennedy advocates for a humane change in society, that change eventually comes to fruition, but not without some pushback, time and struggle. 

Chapter 27

Kennedy discusses the Supreme Court. He encourages liberals to have "rolling lists of favorite candidates who are assessed in terms of their potentiality for refashioning the judiciary such that it can contribute to the making of a more just America." He states, "Above all, liberals need to recognize that the Supreme Court is inescapably political. The key is to ensure that a judicial politics of equitable fairness prevails."

Chapter 28

Kennedy revisits Brown vs the Board of Education and lauds the brave plaintiffs, celebrated lawyers and justices who contributed to this landmark decision. He also reminds us that this is a new time with a vastly different racial landscape, a time that requires "forging new law, new ideas, and a new vocabulary pertinent to current demands." 

As a 34-year veteran teacher, I honor Kennedy's words here. Education today is often obstructed by outdated arguments, ideas, structures and environments. The research and tools related to learning have changed dramatically. What's possible today is amazing, but we are too often stuck in old paradigms that stifle needed development and change. 

Chapter 29

In this chapter, Kennedy summarizes and wrestles with the many different visions, people and efforts that have reached for and still reach for racial order and does not end with a detailed vision for our future, but many questions and current realities instead. 

For me, the book was a walk through time focused on racial relations and events through the eyes of an esteemed African American scholar, father, lawyer, professor and American citizen. The entire book was a stretch for me as I'm not a lawyer; I'm not well schooled in African American history; I don't work at a higher ed institution or for the government, and I'm not black. Also, many of the details in the book don't directly relate to the questions I'm asking of life and the work I'm called to do. Yet, this was a valuable read for me. I need to know all I can about African American history. I am reminded of Elie Wiesel's advocacy and his words that we must never forget the atrocities that occurred during the Holocaust, and with regard to racism in America, Americans have to learn all about it, know the truth, never forget and work for greater justice and equity with all that they do. Only that will make us a stronger, better people and country.